Objectives of the October 26th change of government

MEDIA RELEASE

Objectives of the October 26th change of government

The text of a speech delivered by the Hon. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Prime Minister’s Office on Sunday the 25th of Novermber 2018.

Most venerable members of the Maha Sangha, Clergymen of all religions, People of Sri Lanka, and friends,

In my speech in Parliament on the 15th of November, I proposed to all political parties that we agree among overselves to hold a general election to enable the people to exercise their sovereign right to elect a government of their choice. the JVP agreed but the UNP has been evasively saying that we should hold a presidential election instead of a general election. The problem is in the Parliament. Hence there is no need to hold a presidential election at this stage. No party obtained a clear majority at the general election held in August 2015. The UNP obtained 106 seats, the UPFA obtained 96. The difference was just 10 seats.

A UNP led government was formed only on the basis of an agreement entered into with a group of UPFA Parliamentarians. The UPFA group left the government on the 26th October. Thereafter several UNP Parliamentarians joined our ranks. Today, I am the leader of the largest group of MPs in Parliament. After the parliamentary elections of 1994, 2001 and 2004, Presidents D.B.Wijetunga and Chandrika Kumaratunga who held office at that time, invited the largest group in Parliament to form a government. On that basis, governments were formed by the People’s Alliance in 1994, the UNP in 2001 and the UPFA in 2004.

What we did on the 26th of October was to form an interim government that would have lasted only until the conclusion of the general election that has already been declared, but temporaily put on hold by the courts. We never had any intention of running an administration through the government that has been formed at present. The whole country can see that only a few members of the Joint Opposition hold office in this government. That is because this is only an interim arrangement. I have been stressing ever since I took oaths as Prime Minister that our foremost aim was to go for an election in order to establish a stable government. However the objective of the other side is to revive the previous government and to rule the country for as long as possible without holding any election at all. That is the reason for the present political situation.

Some people ask me why I accepted office when there was less than 18 months to go for the next elections. I have heard members of the UNP saying that if I had been patient for another 18 months, I could have won the ensuing election with a two thirds majority. We did not form a government to contunuously administer the country but to hold a general election. The President explained in his address to the nation that he appointed me as the Prime Minister only after things reached a stage where he had absolutely no other option. When the government is entrusted to me in such circumstances, I cannot in all fairness, shun the responsiblity. This was not a question of political power. The fate of our country and the futures of our younger generation was at stake.

Furthermore if after everything was said and done, it was still we who would have to assume that responsibility anyway, there was much to be said for assuming office before further damage was inflicted upon the country. The President dissolved Parliament and paved the way for a general election. But the UNP filed action in courts and got the elections put off. If things had gone according to the gazette notification issued by the President, by now the elections authorities would have started accepting nominations. The UNP will continue to engage in disruptive activites until the Supreme Court decides whether anyone’s fundamental rights had been infringed by the declaration of a general election.

The former finance minister claims that the economy is on a downward trend because of the change of government. The President invited me to take over the government precisely because of the collapse of the economy during the previous government. In such circumstances, what any democratic country would do is to hold a general election and have a new government elected to power. Because the President was in our government he knows how we handled difficult situations. We managed to find the money to fight the war. We managed to complete a large number of major development projects that no previous government had been able to get off the ground. We did not allow the people to feel the effects of the 2007 world food crisis. Even though the worst global economic recession since the 1930s took place in 2008, the people of Sri Lanka were not even aware that there was such a worldwide recession.
Even though the world prices of crude oil rose to levels never seen before or since during those years, we managed to minimise the fallout from the global oil crisis as well. Within a period of nine years, my government increased the US Dollar per capita income of the country threefold. The average economic growth rate during those years was 7.4%. The exchange rate was Rs. 131 to the US Dollar. The debt to GDP ratio was 70%. On the 9th January 2015 we handed over to the new UNP government an economically stable country. Four years later however the country is now in a perilous state. The most serious aspect of the economic crisis facing this country today is the foreign currency debt burden.
When I assumed office as President for the first time in 2005, there was a war in the country. However the economy was not in such a bad state as it is now. At that time too, the debt to GDP ratio was 90% but the proportion of foreign currency debt was not as high as at present. I made it a point to inform the people from time to time in writing, of the foreign currency loans that the UNP government was taking through varous sources such as Sri Lanka Development Bonds, Sovereign Bonds, Syndicated Loans, Currency swaps etc, because I knew that once we were back in power, this debt burden would be the biggest problem that we would have to face. Within a period of about three and a half years, the yahapalana government had taken a total of more than UDS 20.7 Billion in foreign currency loans alone. Due to this debt burden it will take a while to turn things around. It should be plain to everyone that those who are trying to revive the previous government and rule without holding elections, are incapable of turning this country around. It was they who destroyed the stable economy that we had created. This is why they are so reluctant to hold elections.

In 2006, after the war with the LTTE resumed, the people of this country, the trade unions, consumers, professionals, businessmen and all sections of the population made it a point to refrain from doing anything that would disrupt the war effort. It is because of that public support that we were able to end the war that no one else was able to bring to an end. I wish to request the people to extend to us the kind of support they gave us during the war, in order to get this country out of the economic crisis it is now in. This is the last opportunity we have. If our effort fails, this country will end up like Greece.

We will have to work on the assumption that there is a situation of national calamity with regard to the economy. We will have to put a stop to burdening the people with taxes on the one hand and then spending lavish amounts on importing vehicles for ministers, spending money on ceremonies and excessive amounts on foreign travel as the UNP government was wont to do. I have to make it clear that after the next general elections, we will have to appoint a suitable number of ministers so as to be able to have a stable government. Before everything else, this country has to have a stable government. However that new government will have to keep expenditure under strict control.

The President and the people of this country know that only we can extricate this country from the crisis it is in. After we assumed power in November 2005, we had to face many challenges. When we obtained a loan of USD 500 million from the HSBC in 2007 at the height of the war, the UNP surrounded the bank and told them not to give us that loan and if they did, the money would not be repaid under a UNP government. In April 2009 when the war was in its final stages, an IMF loan to which were were entitled as a member state was delayed.

At that stage, I spoke to a friendly Middle Eastern country and obtained a pledge of USD 500 million and we were able to work around that obstacle. Soon afterwards, Prabhakaran died, the IMF released the loan and we never had to take the USD 500 million that had been pledged by the friendly Middle Eastern country. The former finance minister says that the credit ratings agency Moodys has downgraded Sri Lanka. It would have been surprising if they didn’t. In 2015 when we handed the country over to the UNP, all those ratings were going up. They started coming down only after 2015.

I have to say that there is a subtle political element in these ratings as well. In 2009, immediately after the war when our credit ratings should have gone up, we were downgraded. But the markets had complete confidence in our government and no one took any notice of the downgrade. The President entrusted the country to us because he knows that we have the capacity to meet such challenges as well. The UNP too is well aware of that fact – which is why they speak to foreign journalists and diplomats on a daily basis in a campaign to convince the outside world that it is undemocratic to hold a general election. They know that if a general election is held and a government led by us comes into power, we will solve all these problems. The government that we will form together with the President will be a powerful and people oriented government.

It is now barely a month since the change of government on 26 October. What we have now is only an interim government. When a downward trend manifests itself, it is difficult to turn things around in a month or two. As the general election which would have enabled the people to elect a stable government has been delayed, it will take some time for a stable government to be formed. During this interim period, I request the people to stand by us and to participate in the effort to restore economic stability to this country. The people will remember that during our period of rule between 2006 and 2014, we took every measure possble to avoid imposing heavy burdens on the people. This is why we reduced the price of fuel and some essential foodstuffs soon after assuming office on October 26. We reintroduced the fertilizer subsidy and reduced taxes on agricultural incomes so as to reduce the burden on the people and to increase production.

The people living in this country are aware of the difference in the situation that prevailed before 2015 and after 2015. The Cabinet Spokesman of the previous government has publicly stated on numerous occasions that in 2015, the people had not voted for a change of government due to any lack of food and clothing. He said that the people voted for a change in 2015 for the sake of democracy. But after that change of government, the people ended up without democracy, without the right to vote and without food and clothing as well. Is that not what happened? The endeavour that we are engaged in now is Sri Lanka’s last chance to come out of the crisis it is in. Let us all join hands to defeat the forces that seek to destroy this country by perpetuating their rule without holding elections.

May the blessings of the Tripple Gem be upon you.

 

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa

25 November 2018

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විශ්වාශභංගක් නීත්‍යානුතූලව සම්මත කළයුතු ආකාරය

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය

අගමැතිතුමාට විරැද්ධව විශ්වාශභංග යෝජනාවක් ගෙනවිත් එය නීත්‍යානුතූලව සම්මත කර ගැනීමට නම් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව අනුගමනය කළ යුතු ක්‍රියා මාර්ගයන්

1. අගමැතිතුමාට විරැද්ධව විශ්වාශභංග යෝජනාව කතානායකතුමාට භාරදිය යුතුය. ඒ සදහා අවම වශයෙන් මන්ත්‍රීවරු 20 දෙනෙකු අත්සන් කළ යුතුය.

2. පාර්ලිමේන්තු මහලේකම් හරහා එම යෝජනාවේ නීත්‍යානුකූලභාවය කතානායකතුමා විමසිය යුතුය.

3. එම යෝජනාව ආණ්ඩුක්‍ර‍ම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට සහ ස්ථාවර නියෝගවලට අනුකූල බව මහලේකම්තුමා විසින් කතානායකතුමාට දැනුම් දිය යුතුය.

4. එම යෝජනාව පාර්ලිමේන්තු න්‍යාය පුස්තකයට (Order Book) ඇතුලත් කළ යුතුය.

5. එම න්‍යාය පුස්තකය සිකුරාදා දිනයේදී මුද්‍ර‍ය කර සියලුම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට බෙදා හැරිය යුතුය.

6. වැඩකරන දින පහකට පසුව එම යෝජනාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විවාදයට භාජනය කිරීමට අවස්ථාව සැලසිය යුතුය.

7. පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු පිළිබද කාරක සභාවෙන් එම න්‍යාය පුස්තකයේ තිබෙන කටයුතු ගැන සලකා බලා ප්‍ර‍මුඛස්ථානය දිය යුත්තේ කුමන කටයුක්තකට දැයි තීරණය කළ යුතුය. (Committee on Parliamentary Business headed by the Speaker) මෙම කාරක සභාවේ මූලාසනය කතානායකතුමා ගන්නා අතර, සභා නායක, ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ ප්‍ර‍ධාන සංවිධායක ඇතුලු ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂය නියෝජනය කරන පක්ෂ වලින් සමන්විත මන්ත්‍රීන් කණ්ඩායමක් ඇතුලත් විය යුතුය. එසේම විපක්ෂ නායකතුමා ඇතුලු විපක්ෂයේ පක්ෂ නියෝජනය කරමින් විපක්ෂයෙන් නම් කරන ලද කණ්ඩායමක් ඇතුලත් විය යුතුය. තවද, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නියෝජ්‍ය කතානායකද, නියෝජ්‍ය කාරක සභා සභාපතිද මෙම කමිටුවේ සාමාජිකයන්ය. ඒ අනුව, න්‍යාය පුස්තයේ සදහන් වී ඇති ආණ්ඩුවේ කටයුතු වල ප්‍ර‍මුඛස්ථානය නියම කරන්නේ සභා නායකවරයාය.

8. මෙවැනි විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් න්‍යාය පුස්තකයට ඇතුලත්වූ පසු එය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විවාද කිරීම සදහා සභා නායකතුමාගේ සහ ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ කැමැත්ත ඇතිව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විවාද කිරීම සදහා ලබා දිය හැකි ආසන්නතම දිනය තීරණය කළ යුතුය.

9. එම දිනයේ න්‍යාය පත්‍ර‍යට මෙම යෝජනාව ඇතුලත් කොට අදාළ දිනයට විවාදයට ගන්නා බවට දැනුම් දිය යුතුය.

10. එම විශ්වාශභංගය විවාද කිරීම සදහා ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයටත් විපක්ෂයටත් අවශ්‍ය කාලය පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු පිළිබද කාරක සභාව විසින් තීරණය කළ යුතුය.

11. අදාළ දිනයේදී විවාදය පවත්වා ඡන්දය විමසීම සහ එය ප්‍ර‍කාශ කළ යුතුය.

12. එදින පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විවාදය පිළිබද හැන්සාඩ් වාර්තාව නිකුත් කළ යුතුය.

ඉහත කී සියලුම ක්‍රියාවලියන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍ර‍ම ව්‍යවස්ථාවටද, ස්ථාවර නියෝගවලටද, පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍ර‍දායන් සහ ක්‍රියා පටිපාටියන් වලට අනුකූලව සිදු කිරීමට පාර්ලමේන්තුව වගබලා ගත යුතුය.

2018 අප්‍රේල් මාසයේදී හිටපු අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයාට එරෙහිව ගෙනා විශ්වස භංගය ඉහත සදහන් ආකාරයට නීත්‍යාණුකුලව ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත.

එස්. අමරසේකර
අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම්  – 2018 නොවැම්බර් 16

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Let the people’s sovereignty prevail

Text of the speech made by the Hon. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa in Parliament on Thursday the 15th November 2018.

Hon Speaker,

The President has explained why he dismissed the previous government and appointed an interim government until the conclusion of the next general election. By the 26th of October, the people of this country were living under enormous pressure. The cost of living was increasing on a daily basis due to the fuel pricing formula and the rapid depreciation of the Rupee. The unprecedented tax burden, the doubling of interest rates as a result of the Central Bank bond scam, the preparations being made to sell off harbour terminals, airports and profitable government ventures to foreign parties, the laws being drafted to enable foreigners to purchase freehold land in Sri Lanka, the signing of free trade agreements against the advice of professionals and local businessmen, the soliciting of bribes from potential investors were all weighing down on the people and there was a great deal of popular resentment against the previous government on that account.

We saw the President making some effort to mitigate the damage that was being done to the country by taking steps such as dismissing the UNP’s economic affairs committee. We heard that there had been sharp exchanges between the President and the Prime Minister in cabinet over these issues. It was at this stage that the media began to broadcast voice recordings relating to a conspiracy by persons associated with the UNP to assassinate the president and the former Defence Secretary with the involvement of certain elements in the police. It was only after things reached such a pass that the President decided to take the UPFA out of the coalition government. The withdrawal of the UPFA led to the dissolution of that government and the President under the powers vested in him by the Constitution, invited me to accept the Premiership and form a government.

I had the choice of either accepting that invitation or declining it. I could have simply said that it was best to allow the UNP government to continue in office for the remaining one year or so. However, we were the main opposition force in the country. We are the largest political party in the country. When the President hands the country over to us in order to prevent a major catastrophe from taking place, it is our duty to accept that responsibility. I accepted the responsibility of running the country on that basis. Another matter that I had to take into consideration was what would have happened to the country if the UNP had continued in power for another year. Since January 2015, that government had borrowed more than USD 21 Billion in foreign currency loans.

This reckless borrowing spree was by far the most serious damage that was being done to the country. What we formed was only an interim government until a general election is held. That was why only a handful of Joint Opposition members accepted portfolios in the new government. As the situation in the country deteriorated, the Joint Opposition had been consistently calling for Parliament to be dissolved and fresh elections held.

However the previous government had literally ‘rolled up the electoral map’. It took nearly three years for elections to be held for the local government institutions that had been dissolved in March 2015. They postponed elections on the pretext of issues pertaining to the delimitation of wards. When that government filed action in court and attempted to put off local government elections indefinitely, the Chairman of the Elections Commission announced that they would hold elections to the local government bodies that did not have any delimitation issues. It was only then that the government finally agreed to hold that long delayed election. For more than one year, there have been no functioning Provincial Councils in the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and Eastern provinces. Last month, three more provincial councils including the Northern PC stood dissolved. But there have been no elections.

When the President dissolved Parliament and called a general election, for the first time in the history of this country, the UNP and the JVP have petitioned courts against the holding of a general election. These are the same parties that shamelessly perverted the entire law making process by bringing in committee stage amendments to change the entire system of elections to the local government institutions and Provincial Councils to Bills that had been introduced in parliament for completely different purposes in order to postpone elections to those bodies. The same parties that have gone to courts against holding an election, deprived the people of the right to vote at that time as well.

The Parliaments of 1947, 1951, 1956, and 1960 were all dissolved early to enable the people to exercise their franchise and elect a government of their choice. That was how the people’s sovereignty was safeguarded at that time. It was because the President realised that the previous government was not able to solve the problems of the country that he invited me to form a new government. There was wave of relief throughout the entire country when I was sworn in as Prime Minister.

Our Speaker who acts hand in glove with certain Western embassies and his political party has in violation of the provisions in the Constitution and the Standing Orders of Parliament, announced that a no confidence motion has been passed against me in Parliament by a voice vote. Everyone saw that a proper vote was never taken in Parliament. After the Speaker announced the purported result of a no-confidence motion, former Ministers of the previous government had gone to their previous ministries claiming that Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe was now once again the Prime Minister. Only the President can appoint a Prime Minister and a Cabinet. The Speaker and Parliament have no role in making such appointments.

However, there is now a dispute in Parliament. I suggest that we take this matter before the 15 million plus voters in the country instead of trying to resolve this among the 225 persons sitting in this House. That is the parliamentary tradition. We politicians must realize that according to our Constitution, sovereignty resides in the people not in Parliament. I was pleased to hear the JVP stating at a press conference yesterday that if someone brings a resolution to dissolve Parliament and hold a general election, they would support that motion. I expect the UNP to make their stand on this matter known today on the floor of this house. I invite all 225 Members of this House to join me in paving the way for the sovereign people to decide.

Thank you.

MEDIA RELEASE- English

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මහින්දට තුනෙන් දෙකේ බලයක් දෙන්න..

කළුතරදී පැවති ‘එළිය’ සම්මන්ත‍්‍රණය අමතමින් හිටපු ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා මෙම අදහස් පල කලේය.

ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය අහිමි වී ඇතැයි කියමින් බටහිර රටවල තානාපතිවරුන්, විදේශ මාධ්‍ය විශාල ආන්දෝලනයක් ඇති කරමින් සිටින බව අපි දකිනවා. රටක් පාලනය කර ගන්න බැරි තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වුණාම පාලකයා මහජනතාව වෙත යනවා. මහජනතාවගේ ඡුන්දයෙන් රට පාලනය කරගන්න අවස්ථාව සලසා ගැනීම ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවිරෝධී දෙයක් හැටියටයි මේ අය දකින්නේ. මේ අය ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදය කියන තේරුමත් වෙනස් කරලා. පාලකයා රටේ ප‍්‍රශ්නයක් විසඳා ගැනීමේ බලය ජනතාවට දීම ප‍්‍රජාත‍්‍රන්තවාදයට විරුද්ධද? එදා බහුතර ආසන සංඛ්‍යාවක් තිබූ පක්‍ෂයට අගමැතිකම දෙන්නේ නැතිව ආසන හතළිස් ගණනක් තිබූ එජාපයට අගමැති ධූරය දුන්නා. යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව ඇති කළේ අපි නෙමෙයි. ඔවුන්මයි ඇති කළේ. ඒක ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදීද?

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ රජය එදා තිබූ ත‍්‍රස්තවාදය අවසන් කළා. සාමකාමී රටක් ඇති කළ හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ රටේ ආර්ථකය, සංවර්ධනය ඇති කළා. කවදාවත් නොතිබූ ඓතිහාසික සංවර්ධනයක් ඇති කළා. එම නායකයා විදේශීය බලවේගවල අවශ්‍යතා කිසි දිනෙක ඉටු කළේ නැහැ. එම නිසා ඔහුට විරුද්ධව ජනතාව අතර වැරදි මතයක් ගෙන ගියා. සුළු ජාතීන් අතර වැරදි මතබේද ඇති කළා. ඒවා කළේ යහපාලන රජයයි. මේ රටේ ආර්ථිකය විනාශ කළා. රටට අහිතකර ව්‍යවස්ථා ගෙනාවා. ඡන්ද කල්දැමම්මා. මේවා සියලූම දේවල් ඔවුන්ට ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදීයි. ඒ අය ඇති කළ රජය තුළ අර්බුද ඇති වෙලා, ජනාධිපතිවරයා සහ අගමැතිවරයා අතර මතබේද ඇති වෙලා රට අර්බුදකාරී තත්ත්වයක ආ වෙලාවක තමයි ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ ආරාධනයෙන් මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා රටේ අගමැති ධූරය භාර ගත්තේ.

නමුත් එතුමා කිව්වේ ජනතාව අතරට ගිහින් මැතිවරණයකට යා යුතුයි කියලා. රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ තවමත් අගමැති තමන් යැයි පවසමින් නිල නිවසට විදේශීය තානාපතිවරුන් කැඳවලා ප‍්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කරමින් රට තවත් අර්බුදයකට ගෙන යමින් සිටිනවා. එම අර්බුදය විසඳීමට තිබූ එකම මාර්ගය තමයි ජනතාව අතරට යෑම. ජනතාවට තමන්ට අවශ්‍ය ස්ථාවර රජයක් ඇති කර ගන්නට අවස්ථාව සලසා දුන්නත් එදා ආණ්ඩු පෙරළන්නට වැඩසටහන් සකස් කළ අය කියනවා ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍ර විරෝධීයි කියලා. මේ පිළිබඳව විශාල විරෝධයක් ජාත්‍යන්තරය තුළ ඇති කරමින් යනවා. එම නිසා ඔබලා මෙවැනි අවස්ථාවක ඉතා සුපරීක්‍ෂාකාරීව වැඩ කළ යුතුයි.

ජනතාවගේ ප‍්‍රජාතන්ත‍්‍රවාදී අයිතිය දෙන්න හදන විට ඇතැමුන් උසාවි යනවා. දිගින් දිගටම ඡන්ද කල්දැමූ අයම තමයි මේකටත් විරුද්ධව උසාවි සුදු මහත්තුරුන් ගාව අඬනවා. අවුරුදු හතරකට ආසන්න කාලයක් තිස්සේ ඔවුන් රටේ ස්වෛරීභාවය අහිමි කළා. සංවර්ධනය නැති කළා. රටේ සම්පත් විදේශිකයන්ට විකුණා දැම්මා. ජනතාව පිට බදු පිට බදු බර ඇති කළා. මෙවැනි රටට අහිතකර දේවල් කළ නිසා තමන්ට අත්වන ඉරණම හොඳාකාරවම දන්නවා. ඒ නිසයි ඡුන්දය වළක්වා ගන්නට මොවුන් ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ සහාය අපේක්‍ෂා කරන්නේ.

2015 ජනවාරි 08 වැනිදායින් පසුව වැඩි කාලයක් යන්නේ නැතිව මේ රටේ ජනතාවම කිව්වා අපිට වැරැද්දක් වුණා කියලා. ඒ නිසා තමයි මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වටා ඒකරාශී වෙලා මහින්ද සුළඟ ඇති වුණේ. අලූත් පක්‍ෂයක් බිහි වුණා. අලූත් පක්‍ෂය පසුගිය මැතිවරණයෙන් විශිෂ්ට ජයග‍්‍රහණයක් ලැබුවා. එම නිසා යළිත් ඔබලාට හැකියාව තිබෙනවා තුනෙන් දෙකක බලයක් ලබාදී මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ අගමැති යටතේ එදා තිබූ ආර්ථික, සංවර්ධන යුගයකට ගෙන යන්න හැකියාව තිබෙනවා. නැවතත් රණවිරුවන්ට සලකන, ජාත්‍යන්තරයට යටත් නොවන නායකයෙක් බිහි කරන්න ඔබලාට හැකියාව තිබෙනවා.

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ සමග සෑම විටම කටයුතු කළ ගමේ නියෝජිතයන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට යවන්න අවස්ථාවක් ලැබී තිබෙනවා. නිවැරදි පුද්ගලයන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට යවන්න. මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ අගමැති සමග ප‍්‍රබල රජයක් හදන්න ලබා දුන් අවස්ථාවෙන් ප‍්‍රයෝජන ගැනීමට ජනතාව දැන් අවස්ථාව උදාවී තිබෙනවා. හරි මාර්ගය තෝරා ගන්න. විදේශීය අවශ්‍යතා ඉටු කර ගන්න, බොරු ප‍්‍රචාර ඇති කරමින් ජාතීන් අතර බේද ඇති කරමින් අපි ලබාදුන් ජයග‍්‍රහණය පරාජයට පත් කළා. ඒවා තේරුම් ගෙන කටයුතු කරන්න අවස්ථාව ලැබී තිබෙනවා. දේශීය සම්පත් ආරක්‍ෂා කරන, ගොවියා ආරක්‍ෂා කරන, ධීවරයා ආරක්‍ෂා කරන රජයක් බිහි කරන්න අවස්ථාව ලැබී තිබෙනවා. එදා යුද්ධය තිබුණත් අපි ගොවීන්ට පොහොර සහනාධාරය දුන්නා. ආර්ථික දුෂ්කරතා මධ්‍යයේ රටේ කිසිදිනෙක නොතිබූ සංවර්ධනයක් ඇති කළා. වරාය, ගුවන්තොටුපළ, අධිවේගී මාර්ග ඇති කළා. අපිට එදා සැලසුම් තිබුණා. ඒ සියලූම සැලසුම් මේ රජය නතර කළා. මේ අය හැමදාම කතා කළේ ණය ගැනමයි. ආයෝජන කරමින් ඇති කළ ආර්ථික මර්මස්ථාන විදේශිකයන්ට විකුණා දැම්මා. අ¥රදර්ශී ක‍්‍රියාකලාපයන් නිසා රටේ ආර්ථිකයට කඩාවැටුණා. මේ හේතුව නිසාම ලක්‍ෂ හතරකට රැකියා අහිමි වුණා. දැන් කොළඹ ඇති වෙමින් තිිබෙන සියලූම සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති ඇති කළේ අපේ රජයයි. අපි තවමත් හිටියා තමයි ඒවා දැන් අවසන් කරන්න තිබුණා. එම ව්‍යාපෘති දැන් සිදුවන්නේ මන්දගාමීවයි. හිටපු රජය හැරෙන්නට මේ අය කිසිම කළ ආයෝජන ව්‍යාපෘතියක් නැහැ.

ගත වූ වසර කිහිපය තුළ ජනතාවට විවිධ දුෂ්කරතාවලට මුහුණ දෙන්න සිදුවුණා. ඉදිරියේදී අපි අද තිබෙන තත්ත්වයන්ට අනුව මහින්ද චින්තනය ඉදිරියට ගෙන යන්නේ කොහොමද කියන සැලැස්ම සියලූම වෘත්තිකයන් සමග සාකච්ඡුා කළා. අපේ රජයක් බලයට පත්වූ වහාම රටේ ප‍්‍රශ්න විසඳා, සංවර්ධනය ඉදිරියට ගෙන යෑමට තමයි සියලූම වෘත්තිකයන්ගේ අදහස් අපි ලබාගෙන යන්නේ. සියලූම වෘත්තිකයන්ගේ අදහස් හා දැනුම එකතු කරගෙන ඉදිරි රජයකදී ක‍්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ කොහොමද කියන්නයි වියත්මග ඇති කළේ. එම වැඩපිළිවෙළ මේ රටේ ජනතාව දැනුවත් කිරීමටයි එළිය සංවිධානය ඇති කළේ. එම නිසා යළිත් ලැබෙන මේ අවස්ථාවෙන් ජනතාව බුද්ධිමත්ව කටයුතු කළ යුතුයි. සියලූම දෙනා එකතු වෙලා ස්ථාවර රටක් බිහි කරමු.

– චාමින්ද කරුණාරත්න

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Programme for Economic Revival

His Excellency the President, and the Honorable Prime Minister and Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs have raised concerns regarding the serious setback in the economy as reflected in the persistently low growth rates during the last 3 years along with the rising cost of living. The Honorable Prime Minister is of the view that ill-conceived economic and financial policies of the previous Government have led to this situation by marginalizing localentrepreneurs, industries and domestic production.
As 2018/2019 Maha cultivation season has begun with extremely favorable weather throughout the country, the economy is set to get a new revival as all hydro power reservoirs and irrigated schemes have reached full storage capacity to generate electricity, provision of drinking water and water for cultivation. The Government thinks that this is the best opportunity to prepare the country to get the maximum benefit from agricultural production. At the same time the consumers are saddled with high cost of living. In this background the Prime Minister and Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs has given direction to implement following initiatives to revive the economy.
1. In order to ease the pressure on high cost of living while also protecting the local farmer, Special Commodity Levy will be reduced on Dhal by Rs.5 per Kg, Chickpeas by Rs. 5 per Kg, Black gram by Rs.25 per Kg. Customs Duty will also be waived on Wheat grain to Rs. 9 per Kg from the existing waiver of Rs.6 per Kg. Sugar will be brought under the Special Commodity Levy whereby the applicable taxes on Sugar will also be reduced by Rs.10 per Kg. Accordingly, the commodity prices will be reduced with immediate effect.
2. Given the impact of fuel pricing on all strata of the society specially those engaged in transport, agriculture and fisheries sectors, price of Petrol (Octane 92) will be reduced by Rs. 10 per litre, Auto Diesel by Rs.7 per litre and Lubricants including the 2T lubricants used in three-wheelers and small agricultural engines by Rs.10 per litre with effect from mid night today.At the same time a cost based pricing mechanism will be implemented on fuel in place of the monthly fuel price formula.
3. A guaranteed price scheme will be introduced for Paddy, Onion and Potatoes produced locally by our farmers. Accordingly, SCL will be raised during harvesting period to protect farmers through remunerative guaranteed prices. As potatoes and B-Onions are being harvested, SCL on potatoes and B-Onions will be maintained at Rs.40 per Kg.
4. In order to mitigate the impactof adverse weather conditions which resulted in farmerslosing their livelihood and becoming heavilyindebted, interest and the penal interest incurred by farmers and small Paddy Mill owners on loans up to a maximum of Rs.50 million, from all Commercial Banks during the past 3 years, will be written off in full and will be borne by the Government.
5. The maximum threshold on Loan advances given by Samurdhi Banks to Samurdhi beneficiaries to support their livelihood activities will be increased by Rs.10,000/-.
6. Fertilizer prices for paddy will be maintained at Rs.500/50kg bag and fertilizer prices for other crops will be reduced to Rs. 1,000/50kg bag from Rs. 1,500/50kg bag.
7. The concessionary income tax rate of 14% on agriculture is presently applied only for the companies engaged in agricultural businesses. The income of individuals from Agricultural undertakings will also be reduced from the existing maximum rate of 24% to 14% so that individual farming agriculture is also encouraged.
8. The concessionary Income Tax rate of 14% is presently applicable under the SME categories only for Companies. This rate will be extended to include individuals including those providing professional services.Therefore,the income tax rate for professional services will be reduced from 24 percent to 14 percent.
9. Withholding tax will be exempted on Interest on any savings and fixed deposits maintained in any financial institution.
10. To encourage local entrepreneurs, professionals and migrant workers to remit their earnings in foreign currencyon services provided outside Sri Lanka, Income tax will be exempted on such remittances.
11. The adverse impact created by high indirect taxes will be mitigated by simplification of VAT and NBT. The VAT threshold will be increased from Rs.12 million per annum to Rs.24 million per annum.

12. The threshold for the VAT liability of wholesale and retail sector also will be increased from Rs.50 million to Rs.100 million per twelve months providing benefits to small traders and businesses.
13. The VAT rate applicable on the import of Sawn Timber will be reduced to 5% to support the local Construction Industry.
14. VAT on import of fabric will be exempt providing benefits to the small and medium garment manufacturers.
15. Considering the high tax imposed on the Telecommunication services, the Telecommunication Levy of 25% will be reduced to 15%.
The thrust if these initiatives are to encourage production and simplify the tax system. It will certainly help households with additional income in their hands. Theproposed changes to the tax system will also encourage inward remittances and savings.
The Government also expects to reduce its expenditure with the rationalization of Cabinet ministries as reflected in a lessor number of ministries and reexamination of capital expenditure programs. Accordingly, the government is confident that the primary surplus of 1.8 percent of GDP and the budget deficit of around 4.9 percentof GDP that have been targeted for 2018 could be achieved in support for further fiscal consolidation to provide economic stability. The measures to further consolidation of external trade and payment transactions are also being examined to provide much needed stability to the exchange rate.
His Excellency the President and Honorable Prime Minister and Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs have directed the implantation of the above policy measures. The necessary Gazettes for the aforementioned tax related proposals will be issued today and Cabinet approval is sought to amend the necessary tax laws.
Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs
01.11.2018

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